Having an occidental notion of religious celebrations, I figured that the party would involve solely devotional practices. So, I decided to watch the procession carefully. Once the statue had reached its final point, I certainly did notice acts of devotion. For example, most people gathered to light candles in front of the saint, genuflect, and say prayers. Demographically, I mostly observed Quechua-speaking locals from a variety of age groups. The band wore chullos and ponchos while the rest could be found in casual attire like jeans, jackets, and baseball hats. Alongside the strongly Christian actions of venerating a saint, I noticed the much more Pagan activities of feasting, drinking, and dancing. One of the dances was even supposed to ward off pestilence for the harvest that year.
Andre then clarified the scene for me, noting how, whenever there were such festivities, the locals always needed a saint or religious figure present to watch over the party, safeguarding everyone there. I suddenly saw the scene as a profound example of religious non-dualism. On one hand, both indigenous and Christian traditions blended together this evening. On the other hand, religion did not end once people left the church but rather continued in a setting where most people (i.e. Westerners) neglect the divine, a party. Not only were the locals sharing the food they made and passing around drinks, but they were also paying respects to a higher power. Speaking from my personal experience in the southern United States, I notice how religious ideologies are touted as mutually exclusive without building upon each other. Here in Pisac, however, there appeared to be no conflict of traditions. In conclusion, the Pisac procession proved a real-world instance of spiritual syncretism that stood in stark contrast to occidental religious practices.
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